Etymological Dictionary of Latin Online and the other Italic Languages

Edited by: Michiel de Vaan

Latin is one of the major ancient Indo-European languages and one of the cornerstones of Indo-European studies. Since the last comprehensive etymological dictionary of Latin Online appeared in 1959, enormous progress has been made in the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European, and many etymologies have been revised. This new etymological dictionary covers the entire Latin lexicon of Indo-European origin. It consists of nearly 1900 entries, which altogether discuss about 8000 Latin lemmata. All words attested before Cicero are included, together with their first date of attestation in Latin. The dictionary also includes all the inherited words found in the other ancient Italic languages, such as Oscan, Umbrian and South Picene; thus, it also serves as an etymological dictionary of Italic.

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Author

Introduction

Abbreviations and Symbols

Bibliography

Michiel de Vaan (Ph.D. 2002) teaches comparative Indo-European linguistics, historical linguistics and dialectology at Leiden University. He has published extensively on Germanic, lbanian, and Indo-Iranian linguistics and philology, including The Avestan Vowels (2003) and Germanic Tone Accents (ed., 2006).

INTRODUCTION

1. Aim of this dictionary

This book is not a complete etymological dictionary of Latin Online. Its main aim is to describe which roots and stems of the vocabulary of Latin and the other Italic languages are likely to have been inherited from Proto‑Indo‑European. In addition, two sources of loanwords in Latin have been taken into consideration: possible loanwords from Sabellic (cf. Rix 2005: 566‑572), and probable loanwords from unidentifiable, but possibly old (Mediterranean) donor languages (cf. Cuny 1910, Biville 1990 II: 501‑504).

This approach implies the exclusion of those Latin words which are certainly or probably loanwords from known, non‑Italic languages, such as Celtic, Etruscan, Germanic, Greek, and Semitic. The loanwords from Celtic are discussed by Porzio Gernia (1981: 97‑122), who gives a full list of certain or probable loanwords from Celtic. The Etruscan loanwords are more difficult to establish; see Breyer 1993, Whatmough 1997, and Briquel 1999. The number of Greek loanwords in Latin is very high, the Greek influence lasting from before the earliest Latin inscriptions until after the end of the Roman Empire. See Saalfeld 1884 for a full (though antiquated) collection, and Biville 1990 for a linguistic study of Greek loanwords. Many of the Semitic loanwords have entered Latin through Greek; a study of the Semitic loanwords in Greek is Masson 1967.

I also exclude from the discussion all onomastic material of Latin and Sabellic, with a few exceptions.

2. Definition of Italic

I distinguish the following three branches of Italic: Sabellic, Latino‑Faliscan, and Venetic. It is disputed whether Venetic is in fact an Italic language or stems from a different Indo‑European branch which happens to be attested close to the other Italic languages (Untermann 1980: 315f., Prosdocimi 1988: 418‑420). The number of interpretable Venetic forms is small, but they allow a connection with Latin and Sabellic (van der Staaij 1995: 193‑210); in order to facilitate further research in this direction, I therefore include Venetic. Following Weiss (fthc.a), I give the following overview of the Italic languages known at present:

Sabellic (from the 7^th c. BC)

1. Oscan (5^th – 1^st c. BC)

Oscan tribes: Samnites (Samnium, Campania)

Paelignians, Vestinians, Marrucinians (North‑Oscan)

Frentanians, inhabitants of Larinum and Teanum Apulum

Hirpinians

Hernicans

Siculians (Eastern Sicily)

2. Umbrian (7^th – 1^st c. BC): Umbria, northern Latium

2a. Palaeo‑Umbrian, Volscian, Marsian, Aequian

2b. Iguvine Tables (3^{rd –}1^st c. BC)

3. South‑Picene (6^th – 4^th c. BC): central Adriatic coast

4. Pre‑Samnite (6^th – 5^th c. BC): Campania, Bruttium, Lucania

Latino‑Faliscan
1. Latin (from the 6^th c. BC): Latium

2. Faliscan (7^th – 2^nd c. BC): the town of Falerii, 50 km north of Rome
Venetic (ca. 550‑100 BC): northeastern Italy

For the purpose of this book, Messapic (southeastern Italy) is not counted as an Italic language, and its vocabulary has been excluded from the dictionary. The interpretation of the extant Messapic inscriptions is too unclear to warrant the inclusion of Messapic in any Indo‑European subfamily. There are obvious onomastic links with other Italic languages and possible lexical ties with Albanian (see Matzinger 2005), but Messapic offers no independent evidence for words of PIE origin.

3. Research method

It is a cliché that every word has at least ten etymologies. Due to the long time span between Proto‑Indo‑European and Latin (2500 years for the oldest inscriptions, nearly 3000 years for the main body of literature), and the phonetic changes which took place in that period, we cannot be sure about the exact trajectory which even the most common Indo‑European words have taken. Rather than right or wrong, the etymologies in this book must be regarded as points on a scale: some might approach relative certainty and have no competing etymologies beside them, whereas others represent just one among a number of etymologies that 3000 years of formal and semantic change render theoretically possible. For instance, it will be agreed upon by virtually all specialists that Latin negating in‑ ‘un‑’ directly continues PIE *n‑ in compounds (even if it would be hard to agree on a single complete lexical correspondence shared by Latin and at least two other branches of IE). The verb videō, to mention another example, will probably be derived from the PIE root *uid‑, which also surfaces as *ueid‑ and *uoid‑, by all Indo‑Europeanists. But details of their reconstructions may differ: some colleagues would write *wid‑, and some reconstruct the root‑final stop as *[ˀt]. Discussion of the present suffix Latin ‑ē‑ and the form of the perfect vīdī would bring to the surface still more differences between specialists. Many words have a much less certain etymology, for instance cōleī ‘testicles’: it could be derived from cōlum ‘sieve’, which would be formally satisfactory but semantically not immediately convincing, or from culleus ‘bag’, which suffers the reverse handicap: semantically evident, but formally not so. In a case like cōleī, more than with in‑ or videō, the assumptions and convictions of the individual researcher play a decisive role. In all cases, the reader must take into account that I adopt a certain systematic conception of Proto‑Indo‑European and the subsequent linguistic stages leading on to Latin (see below for their justification), which naturally influence the etymological solutions I eventually prefer.

An important article on the method of etymological research in general, and on Latin etymology in particular, was written by Eichner 1992. Here follow his main recommendations and a justification of my approach to them.

1. An etymological discussion should preferably give access to “die volle Fachdiskussion” (p. 61).

The scope of the present book and the limited amount of time that was available made full compliance with this requirement impossible. Complete reference to earlier scholarship would have taken many more years, and the printed version of this dictionary would have become far too heavy and too expensive. Earlier etymological research on Latin has been evaluated by Forssman 1983, while Forssman 2002 has discussed etymology in the TLL. The two main works of references for Latin etymology since the 1960s have been the dictionaries of Walde & Hoffmann (1930‑1954) on the one hand, and of Ernout & Meillet (1959, with some corrections in the 1967 edition) on the other. Other etymological dictionaries that preceded WH and EM are Vaniček (1881), Regnaud (1908), Muller (1926), Tucker (1931), Juret (1942). Of these, I have only consulted Muller’s study occasionally.

For the purpose of the present dictionary I have consistently made use of WH and EM, who normally summarize the pre‑1960 scholarship. Therefore, I usually refrain from quoting literature from before 1960. Each of the two dictionaries mentioned has its advantages and its drawbacks. WH provide a reliable indication of the first attestation of a Latin word in the Latin literature. Subsequently, they present an exhaustive and well‑referenced overview of earlier proposals, usually including a long list of cognate forms in other IE languages. Unfortunately, their own opinion on the etymology of a word is usually stated without any explanation, and must be searched in a thicket of words. The dictionary of EM often gives a useful account of the inner‑Latin word history. They evaluate the semantic shifts which a word underwent, and how it relates to other Latin lexemes. Their etymological discussion, however, is disappointingly short and very often remains agnostic even in cases where their contemporaries held clear views.

For Sabellic, I have relied on Untermann 2000 for the meaning and etymology of words. Since Untermann provides full references to earlier literature, I do not indicate the authorship of different etymologies for Sabellic words, unless their discussion contributes to specific issues. Untermann’s dictionary displays a great deal of skepticism towards the possibility of knowing the meaning and etymology of many Sabellic words. I have often adopted his agnosticism about the precise meaning of a word, while at the same time retaining the etymological explanation given for it by other contemporary specialists of the Sabellic languages, if a communis opinio could be discerned in the literature.

2. On a synchronic level, etymologies should take into account the phonological system of Latin, and, in our case, the other Italic languages.

Since this principle now forms part of every linguist’s toolkit, there is little point in elaborating on it here.

3. A reliable etymological discussion must refer to the relative chronology of sound changes between Proto‑Indo‑European and Latin (termed “Glass‑box‑Verfahren” by Eichner, p. 72).

While this principle is equally uncontroversial, the number of studies elaborating on the relative chronology of more than a few Latin sound changes is small. I have tried to summarize my main guiding principles in the following section.

4. From Proto‑Indo‑European to Latin

4.1 Reconstructable stages

The term Proto‑Indo‑European refers to the last reconstructible common stage from which all known Indo‑European languages have evolved. For the period between PIE and Latin, we can reconstruct several intermediate stages through which the language must have passed. If the IE language family is represented as a traditional genealogical tree of descent, we can regard PIE as the trunk, and Latin as one of the branches; the intermediate stages are nodes between the trunk and the Latin branch. We can distinguish at least the following nodes:

Proto‑Indo‑European (also known as Indo‑Hittite): Evidence has recently been accumulated showing that the Anatolian branch was the first of the known IE language to split off PIE; see Rieken 1999, Kloekhorst 2008: 7‑11. In fact, this had already been argued by many scholars, e.g. Sturtevant in the 1920s, Pedersen in 1938, Cowgill in 1974; compare Adrados 2007. Accordingly, it must be decided for every reconstructed feature of ‘traditional’ PIE whether it was present before Anatolian split off, or developed afterwards. Subsequently, we should agree on a common terminology for both stages. Such work has yet to begin on a wider scale, and cannot be done here.

(Late) Proto‑Indo‑European: Since only the earliest node in the tree may properly be called PIE, any posterior common stage must be called differently. Thus, the common stage from which all other IE languages except the Anatolian ones descended could be called Late PIE. Nevertheless, in view of the absence of agreement on this matter so far, and in order not to introduce novel and confusing terms, I will in practice use the term PIE to refer to “Late PIE” too.

Proto‑Italic‑Celtic: I acknowledge a separate Italo‑Celtic stage, to which a number of phonetic and morphological developments common to the Italic and Celtic languages can be ascribed. The most recent defense of Italo‑Celtic is by Schrijver 2006: 48‑53 (against Meiser 2003: 36, among others). Here is an eclectic list of the morphological innovations that can be dated to the Italo‑Celtic stage, as given by Schrijver 2006 and Kortlandt 2007: 151‑157:

- the rise of a superlative suffix *‑ism̥o‑

- the introduction of gen.sg. *‑ī in the o‑stems (while maintaining *‑osio)

- the substitution of dat.pl. *‑mus and abl.pl. *‑ios by the ending *‑b^hos (while maintaining ins.pl. *‑b^hi)

- the introduction of gen. *‑strom in the 1^st and 2^nd plural pronouns

- the spread of *s‑ to the whole paradigm of the *so‑/*to‑pronoun

- (maybe:) the generalization of abl.sg. *‑(e)d in all declensions

- the pr. of ‘to be’ is thematic *es‑e/o‑ directly after focussed elements, athematic *es‑ elsewhere (Schrijver 2006: 58)

- the rise of an injunctive (Kortlandt 2007: 153) or preterite (Schrijver 2006: 60‑62) morpheme *‑ā‑

- the rise of sigmatic futures with i‑reduplication (Kortlandt 2007: 152)

- the spread of the morpheme *‑ro from the 3pl. to other middle endings

Proto‑Italic: The concept of Proto‑Italic has been challenged at various occasions, but agreement seems to be increasing on the view that there was indeed such a common prestage. Recent discussions of this topic, including enumerations of PIt. phonological and morphological innovations, are Rix 1994b, van der Staaij 1995: 193‑210, Heidermanns 2002: 186‑189, Meiser 2003: 27‑36 and Schrijver 2006: 48‑53.

Proto‑Latino‑Sabellic: Most scholars assume that Venetic was the first language to branch off Proto‑Italic, which implies that the other Italic languages, which belong to the Sabellic branch and to the Latino‑Faliscan branch, must have continued for a certain amount of time as a single language. In view of the very small amount of Venetic material available, however, the Proto‑Latino‑Sabellic stage will hardly play a practical role in our discussions.

Proto‑Latino‑Faliscan: Most of the remaining Italic languages belong to the Sabellic branch, the main characteristic of which is the development of labiovelar stops to labials. The only two languages which are not Sabellic are Latin and Faliscan, which were spoken close to each other and differ from the Sabellic languages by a few common innovations (Baldi 1999: 172‑174). Hence, we can reconstruct a common prestage.

4.2 The phonology of Proto‑Indo‑European, Proto‑Italic and Latin

I will use the following reconstruction of the PIE phonological system, based on Beekes 1995: 124. As noted above, at least some of the features reconstructed here might actually belong to the LPIE stage; but since we will be dealing with Italic mainly, this does not affect the discussion to any significant degree.

stops p t ḱ k k^w

b d ǵ g g^w

b^h d^h ǵ^hg^h g^wh

fricatives s

laryngeals h₁ h₂ h₃

liquids l

nasals m n

semivowels i u

vowels e o

ē ō

For Proto‑Italic, I assume the following phonological system (van der Staaij 1995: 66):

stops p t k k^w

b d g g^w

fricatives f þ χ χ^w

laryngeals (H)

glides w j

liquids l

nasals m n

vowels i ī u ū

e ē o ō

a ā

diphthongs ei oi ou

ai au

Note 1: The series of PIE stops traditionally termed ‘voiced aspirate’ yields voiceless fricatives in word‑initial position in Latin and Sabellic, voiced fricatives word‑internally in Sabellic, and voiced stops (merging with the old voiced stops) word‑internally in Latin. The Latin stops probably go back to voiced fricatives, as is shown by the variant forms of Lat. ab‑ (see s.v.). This points to a complementary distribution of Proto‑Italic voiceless word‑initial fricatives vs. voiced word‑internal ones. In other words, there was one fricative phoneme with two allophones (see Stuart‑Smith 2004: 196‑198, and the critique of her phonemic interpretation by Kortlandt 2007: 150). I will note voiceless fricatives in my PIt. reconstructions, but it seems likely that they were voiced word‑internally. After nasals and sibilants, the PIE voiced aspirates probably did not change into fricatives, but remained stops.

Note 2: Most Italic phonetic developments conditioned by the presence of laryngeals can be dated to the Italo‑Celtic period, or before. The argument given by Schrijver 1991: 454 for the retention of *h₃eu‑ as distinct from *ou‑ in PIt. on account of bovem, ‑is and ovis, has been rendered irrelevant by the novel interpretation in Vine 2006a. The different vocalization of PIE sequences *HNC‑ according to which PIE laryngeal these sequences contained (Schrijver 1991: 56‑65) suggests the survival of three different laryngeals until after the Italo‑Celtic period; the vocalization may be an early PIt. development. Another phenomenon ascribed to the presence of consonantal laryngeals in PIt. by Schrijver 1991: 473f. is the preservation of mo‑ in open syllable in mora (I am less convinced about monīle), escaping the unrounding to ma‑. Mora, however, has beside it the verb morāre, in which ‑o‑ might have been restored in PIt. as a characteristic of iterative verbs. As a result, laryngeals will play no role in my PIt. reconstructions. That is not to say that they had all indeed disappeared by the Proto‑Italic period; but I find no certain traces.

Note 3: The main argument against assuming a PIt. shift *eu > *ou is the form Leucesie in the Carmen Saliare (cf. Leumann 1977: 70f., Meiser 1998: 59). This name with its unclear etymology cannot outweigh the remaining evidence in favour of *eu > *ou. In Venetic, some words are attested with <eu> and with <ou>, whereby the older inscriptions only have <ou>. Van der Staaij (1995: 197f.) cautiously suggests that there may have been an inner‑Venetic development ou > eu.

For the sake of reference, I give the following list of the most salient phonological changes which I assume to have taken place between PIE and (the last stage of) Proto‑Italic (van der Staaij 1995: 48‑66, Schrijver 2006). The first number of each section indicates the order in the relative chronology of sound changes, whereas the second digit stakes no such claim.

A. Before Proto‑Italo‑Celtic split up:

1.1 PIE *h₁e > *e, *h₂e > *a, *h₃e > *o

1.2 PIE *eh₁ > *ē, PIE *eh₂ > *ā, PIE *eh₃,*oH > *ō before a consonant

1.3 PIE *iH, *uH > ī, ū before a consonant

1.4 PIE *Tt > *t^st (and *‑dd^h‑ > *‑d^zd‑?)

2.1 Pretonic shortening of long vowel before resonant (Lat. vir, ferus)

2.2 *uHijV > *wiHjV (pius‑rule)

2.3 *CHC > *CaC

2.4 *CRHC > *CRāC

2.5 *CRHTC > *CRaTC (Italic), *CRHT/s > *CRaT/s (Celtic)

2.6 *RHT/s‑ > *RaT/s‑ (Italo‑Celtic)

2.7 *R̥DC > RaDC (Lat. magnus)

2.8 *CCCC > *CaCCC

B. Before Proto‑Italic split up:

3.1 *t^st > *ss

3.2 *CLHV > CaLV‑ (e.g. calēre, valēre, palma)

3.3 *CNHV > [CəNV‑] (e.g. similis, sine, tenuis)

3.4 *HLC‑ > aLC‑ (argentum)

3.5 *h_1/2/3NC‑ > e/a/oNC‑ (umbilīcus, ambi)

3.6 *p_(R)k^w‑ > *k^w_(R)k^w‑ (coquō, quīnque)

4.1 *b^h, *d^h, *g^h, *g^wh > *b, *d, *g, *g^w after *s and *N

4.2 *g^h > *g before *l, *r (Lat. glaber, grāmen, trāgula)

4.3 *b^h, *d^h, *g^h, *g^wh > *f, *þ, *χ, *χ^w

4.4 PIE *ouV > *awV in pretonic position (Thurneysen‑Havet‑Vine’s law)

(Lat. lavō etc.)

5.1 *þ‑ > *f‑ (Fal. filea, Lat. filius)

6.1 *fw‑ > *f‑ (Lat. forum, fores)

6.2 *‑g^w‑, ‑χ^w‑ > *‑w‑ /V_V (Lat. voveo, nūdus)

6.3 *mj > *nj

7.1 *o > a /b, l, m, w, k^w_CV (Lat. badius, canem, lacus, lanius, manus, mare)

8.1 *ew > *ow (Lat. novus, moveo)

8.2 *r̥, *l̥ > *or, *ol (Lat. morior etc.)

According to van der Staaij 1995, there is positive evidence that Venetic shared in the following developments: fricativization of PIE ‘voiced aspirates’, *þ‑ > *f‑ (Ven. vhagsto), *ew > *ow and *r̥, *l̥ > *or, *ol. Hence, Venetic did not split off before stage 8.

The phonological developments between Proto-Italic and Old Latin are too numerous to discuss here. For details, I refer to the main handbooks in the field: Sommer 1914, Leumann 1977, Sommer / Pfister 1977, Schrijver 1991, Sihler 1995, Meiser 1998, Baldi 1999, Weiss fthc.a, to name only the best-known English and German works. Also, the relative chronology of the post-PIt. sound changes has not yet been clarified in all details, and would justify a separate study. Hopefully, the present dictionary may contribute to that aim.

For Old Latin, I assume the following phonological system (van der Staaij 1995: 37, Meiser 1998: 52):

stops p t k k^w

b d g g^w

fricatives f s h

glides w j

liquids l

nasals m n

vowels i ī u ū

e ē o ō

a ā

diphthongs ui

ei eu oi ou

ai au

As to accentuation, we can posit the following three phases of accent placement (van der Staaij 1995: 65, Meiser 1998: 53):

1. Mobile stress inherited from PIE. The presence of the inherited PIE accentuation in (early) Proto‑Italic is required for Vine’s reformulation (2006) of Thurneysen‑Havet’s Law *ou > *au, which would in his account have taken place in pretonic position. This sound law can be assigned to an early period in the relative chronology of PIt. changes.

2. Word‑initial stress. Word‑initial stress is assumed to have applied in Etruscan and in Latin, Faliscan, and the Sabellic languages. The main Sabellic clues to initial stress are the occurrence of syncope of short vowels in front of word‑final *‑s (Meiser 1986: 59‑62), which may date to the Proto‑Sabellic period, and syncope of word‑internal short vowels in front of single consonants and *‑sC‑ in the different Sabellic languages individually (Benediktsson 1960, Meiser 1986: 131f.). In VOLat., we find syncope of short vowels in final *‑tos, *‑tis, *‑ros, *‑ris, and maybe in final *‑li and *‑ri (Meiser 1998: 73f.). In internal syllables of VOLat., the effects of initial stress are syncope of short vowels in open medial syllable, and weakening (merger) of short vowels and diphthongs in non‑initial syllable. For the Sabellic languages, syncope is dated between 500 and 400 BC by Meiser (1986: 132), and the same period probably saw the start of syncope and weakening in Latin.

3. Penultimate / antepenultimate stress as in CLat. From about 300 BC (thus Radke 1981: 30 on the basis of elephantus and Italia, and in‑ ‘in’), vowel weakening ceased to work in Latin, and we may assume that the accentual system known from CLat. had been established: accent on the penultimate syllable if it was metrically long, otherwise, accent on the antepenultimate syllable.

5. The entries

5.1 Selection of entries

The entries were selected by means of a comparison between the two major etymological dictionaries WH and EM, the comprehensive Indo‑European dictionaries IEW and LIV, and the Oxford Latin Dictionary. I have not done an additional exhaustive search for words attested only in glosses. Since such words are not normally included in the OLD, this implies that only those have been taken into account which are discussed in WH and EM, or in other etymological discussions. Personal names, place names and other toponyms are not included into the present dictionary. A few exceptions are made for names which are widely agreed to be Indo‑European (e.g., Monēta, Nerō), or names for which an alleged Indo‑European etymology must be dismissed (Abella).

5.2 The entries

The entry usually represents the derivationally most opaque member of a Latin word family: a present stem (quoted in the first person singular active), a noun or adjective (in the nominative singular or plural), an adverb or a cardinal numeral. I provide the English meaning of the word as given by the Oxford Latin Dictionary. Since the aim is merely to identify the word in question, not the whole range of meanings of a word is given. I provide the gender and stem type (o, ā, i, u, ē, or a consonant) of nouns, the conjugation (I, II, III, IV) of verbs, or another word type label. I also add deviant forms which do not conform to CLat. morphology of the inflectional or conjugational type given for the entry.

Latin entries are given in bold without a preceding abbreviation. The small number of inherited Venetic and Sabellic entries without cognate forms in Latin is preceded by the abbreviation of the respective language.

5.3 Dating

Between brackets, I indicate in which author or text the word given in the entry is first attested in Latin. A plus (+) after a given author means that the word can be found also in one or more later authors.

The main lexicographical sources for dating the age of a Latin word have been OLD and TLL; yet by means of random comparisons, I found that neither of these sources is exhaustive, and that quite often an older attestation can be found than would appear from TLL and OLD. In most cases, in fact, it turns out that WH are far more reliable. I have therefore turned to concordances of the older inscriptions, Livius Andronicus, Gnaeus Naevius (self‑made) and Plautus (Lexicon Plautinum) in order to ascertain the first date of attestation of a given word. For the remaining words (appearing in Ennius, Cato, Terence or later), I have relied on the data provided by the OLD.

5.4 Derivatives

The section ‘Derivatives’ provides derivatives of the head entry, and other closely related Latin forms. Since the dictionary only has about 1850 Latin entries, the section ‘derivatives’ contains many more Latin lexemes than the section ‘entry’. Any reader familiar with Latin derivation will easily find most of the derivatives under their head entry. In addition, words can be retrieved via the Latin index at the end of the book.

The list of derivatives is restricted to words which make their first appearance before Cicero; in most cases, the last author to precede Cicero is Varro or Lucretius. In this way, the dictionary also provides information about the productivity and semantics of certain suffixes and preverbs in pre‑Ciceronian times. From Cicero onwards, several suffixes become hugely productive while their inclusion into the dictionary would add nothing to our knowledge of OLat. or earlier stages. Only a few words which appear to contain an unproductive suffix, have no synchronic derivational basis, or appear to go back to OLat. for other reasons, are listed even if they first appear in or after Cicero. Some examples are adūlor (Cic.+), bēs (Cic.+), sūbula (Sen.+), taxāre (Sen.+).

Additional morphological information is given between square brackets, but only when needed to disambiguate two or more categories. The following endings are used as shorthand for their respective categories:

‑a f. noun, gen.sg. ‑ae

‑ae f.pl. noun, gen.pl. ‑ārum

‑āx adj., k‑stem, gen.sg. ‑ācis

‑ēdō f. noun, n‑stem, gen.sg. ‑ēdinis

‑ēs f. noun, ē‑stem, gen.sg. ‑ēī

‑iō f. noun, n‑stem, gen.sg. ‑iōnis

‑is noun, i‑stem, gen.sg. ‑is

‑is adj., i‑stem, f. ‑is, n. ‑e

‑or m. noun, r‑stem, gen.sg. ‑ōris

‑tās f. noun, t‑stem, gen.sg. ‑tātis

‑tūdō f. noun, n‑stem, gen.sg. ‑tūdinis

‑tūs f. noun, t‑stem, gen.sg. ‑tūtis

‑um n. noun, o‑stem, gen.sg. ‑ī

‑us m. noun, o‑stem, gen.sg. ‑ī

‑us adj., o/ā‑stem, f. ‑a, n. ‑um

Some words which are listed as separate lexemes in OLD have been excluded because they belong to categories listed otherwise:

- n. nouns in ‑um or ‑e derived from attested adjectives or ppp.: to the adjective in ‑us or ‑is, or the ppp. in ‑us

- adverbs in ‑(i)ter: to the adj. they are based on

- adverbs in ‑ē: to the adj. in ‑us or ‑is

- nominal compounds with a noun or an adj. as the first member: to the respective noun or adj.

5.5 Proto‑Italic

If possible, I provide a Proto‑Italic reconstruction of the stem of the Latin entry, and occasionally of other Latin or Italic words which may plausibly go back to Proto‑Italic. See section 1.4 for the phonological system of Proto‑Italic.

5.6 Italic cognates

This section exhaustively lists all Faliscan, Sabellic and Venetic word forms which are or may be cognate with the Latin entry. All Sabellic forms are cited from Untermann 2000; I have usually adopting his rendering of the meaning and his morphological interpretation of the forms. Alternative interpretations of the meaning and etymology of Sabellic words are not usually discussed; instead, the reader is referred to the relevant section in Untermann. The Faliscan forms are cited according to Giacomelli 1963, and the Venetic forms according to Lejeune 1974, with additions as per Marinetti 1999, 2004 (to the exclusion of the Tavola da Este, which requires more detailed linguistic study). I have refrained from citing any Sicel forms, since their interpretation still seems too uncertain to me; the only exception is πιβε ‘drink!’.

5.7 Proto‑Indo‑European

I reconstruct the form of the stem from which the Latin entry can be directly or indirectly derived. In some cases, there is more than one theoretical possibility.

5.8 Indo‑European cognates

This section provides the main cognates of the Latin entry in the main languages used for reconstructing Proto‑Indo‑European. Since the details of the formation type often differ from language to language, non‑specialists in Indo‑European reconstruction may want to concentrate mainly on the identity of the root. Cognates from Celtic (Continental Celtic, Irish, Welsh, Cornish, Breton) are adduced first because of their relevance for the reconstruction of a Proto‑Italo‑Celtic stage. Subsequently, I provide the cognates from Anatolian (Hittite, Palaic, Luwian, Lydian, Lycian) because this branch first split off PIE. The remaining branches of IE are adduced in the following order: Indic (Sanskrit) – Iranian (Avestan, Old Persian, etc.) – Greek – Phrygian – Armenian – Albanian – Baltic (Old Prussian, Lithuanian, Latvian) – Slavic – Germanic (Gothic, North Gm., West Gm.) – Tocharian. For the collection and interpretation of the cognate words, I have relied heavily on the work of colleagues in the IEED project: Kloekhorst 2008 for Anatolian, Alexander Lubotsky’s Indo‑Iranian database, Robert Beekes fthc. for Greek, Derksen 2008 for Slavic and Derksen fthc. for Baltic. Obviously, the responsibility for the selection and analysis of the forms as given here is entirely mine.

5.9 Etymology

If the etymology is undisputed and requires no further explanation – that is, if it can be understood applying the usual sound changes from PIE to Latin –, I refrain from a discussion. The etymology should then be clear from the reconstructed Proto‑Italic and Proto‑Indo‑European forms. In the case of an uncertain, disputed or disputable Indo‑European etymology, I discuss some of the options which must be rejected and/or those which seem likely to me. If some of the Latin derivatives are unproductive formations, I shortly discuss their linguistic history.

The main handbooks consulted for reference are IEW (1959), Leumann (1977), Schrijver (1991), Sihler (1995), Meiser (1998, 2003), Untermann (2000), LIV (2001). Other secondary literature is only mentioned where it adds extra arguments or information to the discussion. As stated in 1.3 above, the discussion is not exhaustive. In the case of etymological proposals which seem wholly unconvincing to me, or which have been discussed and refuted by one of the handbooks cited in the entry’s bibliography, I generally refrain from mentioning them. This might have the unfortunate effect that this dictionary will not prevent future scholars from repeating proven errors of the past, but the alternative would have been a dictionary several times as thick, loaded with obsolete theories. It may be remarked that WH, who very often mention and reject former proposals, generally give short qualifications, such as “falsch”, without stating their reasons; this I try to avoid.

If a word has not been given an IE etymology yet, or if the available etymological proposals all seem implausible to me, and I have no better solution to add myself, I usually state “Etymology unknown” or words of similar meaning.

5.10 Bibliography

I refer in all cases to page numbers in IEW, WH and EM, and to the PIE entry in LIV. In many instances, I refer to the page in Leumann (1977), Schrijver (1991), Sihler (1995) and Meiser (1998, 2003) on which the entry or its derivatives are discussed. I also provide the reference to the source of the Sabellic (Untermann 2000), Faliscan (Giacomelli 1963) and Venetic (Lejeune 1974) forms. Other secondary literature is only mentioned when it plays a role in the etymological discussion.

6. Periodization of Latin

Following Weiss (fthc.a), I adopt the following periodization of Latin:

6^th century – 240 BC Very Old Latin (VOLat.)

240 – 50 BC Old Latin (OLat.)

50 BC – 3^rd/4^th c. Classical Latin (CLat.)

3^rd/4^th c. – 5^th/6^th c. Late Latin (LLat.)

Although the term ‘Very Old Latin’ has a clumsy ring to it, it avoids the ambiguity which would follow from using ‘Early Latin’ versus ‘Old Latin’, or ‘Archaic Latin’ versus ‘Old Latin’. There is no natural chronological distinction between ‘early’ and ‘old’, while ‘archaic’ is also used for indicating the relative age of linguistic forms with respect to each other.

For the purpose of determining the first attestation of a Latin word, I use the following relative chronology of texts:

I. Very Old Latin

In view of the different provenance of the inscriptions, and the uncertain dates of many of them, the order in which the texts appear is not intended as a relative chronology.

Older inscriptions: Lapis Niger (Forum Inscription), Lapis Satricanus, Duenos inscription, Corcolle Altar, Garigliano Bowl, the Tibur Base, the Madonnetta inscription (all 6^th or 5^th c.). The Praenestine Fibula is excluded since it is probably a forgery (cf. Baldi 1999: 125).

Several shorter inscriptions from Rome and outside (4^th – 3^nd c.); Elogium L. Cornelii Cn. f. Scipionis (CIL I² 6+7, ca. 260 BC), Elogium L. Cornelii L. f. Scipionis (CIL I² 8+9, ca. 230 BC).

Texts preserved (usually fragmentarily) in later sources: Lex Regiae, Law of the Twelve Tables, Carmen Saliare, Carmen Arvale.

Single words or phrases preserved by lexicographers: Nonius, Festus, Paulus Diaconus.

II. Old Latin

The order in which the authors appear here is intended as a relative chronology:

Livius Andronicus (±284 – 204)

Naevius (±270 – 201)

Plautus (died 184)

Ennius (239 – 169)

M. Porcius Cato (234 – 149)

Terence (±195 – 159)

Pacuvius (220 – ±130)

Caecilius Statius (died 168)

C. Lucilius (±180 – 102)

Accius (170 – ±85)

Sempronius Gracchus (trib. pl. 123, 122)

Afranius (born ±150)

Cassius Hemina (mid 2^nd c.)

Cn. Gellius hist. (late 2^nd c.)

Sextus Turpilius (died 103)

Titinius (2^nd c.)

L. Pomponius com. (2^nd – 1^st c.)

Sempronius Asellio (2^nd – 1^st c.)

Laevius (early 1^st c.)

Helvius Mancia (early 1^st c.)

Novius (early 1^st c.)

Quadrigarius (early 1^st c.)

Rhetorica ad Herennium (early 1^st c.)

Sisenna (praetor 78)

M. Terentius Varro (116 – 27)

Laberius (±115 – 43)

Lucretius (±94 – 55)

Catullus (± 84 – 54)

inscriptions:

Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus

CIL 364+365 from Falerii

Lex Sacra from Spoletium

other inscriptions from the 2^nd and 1^st c. BC.

Many Latin words make their first appearance in the comedies of Plautus. Steinbauer (1989: 39‑40) regards the language of Plautus as older than that of Ennius for the following three reasons:

1. The plays of Plautus (maybe an Umbrian) were staged from at least 200 (but maybe earlier) until his death in 184. We know that Ennius (a Messapian) came to Rome in 204, and worked there till his death in 169. Thus, Ennius lived 15 years longer, and did not come to Rome earlier than Plautus.

2. The metre which Ennius uses (dactylic hexameter) excludes about 10% of the Latin vocabulary from occurring in it (according to Skutsch 1985), whereas no such restrictions seem to be imposed by Plautus’ metre.

3. The genre of comedy allows for the use of a much broader spectre of the vocabulary.

III. Classical Latin

Cicero (106 – 43)

Caesar (100 – 44)

Sallust (86 – ±34 BC)

Cornelius Nepos (±99 – 24 BC)

Virgil (70 – 19 BC)

Horace (65 – 8 BC)

Ovid (43 BC – ±17 AD)

L. Annaeus Seneca (±5 BC – 65 AD)

Columella (mid 1^st c. AD)

etc.

I place the caesura between OLat. and CLat. before Cicero. This arbitrary division has a practical background: whereas Varro (who died later than Cicero) shows an explicit interest in archaic language, we find that many formations increase greatly in productivity from Cicero onwards, especially u‑stem nouns and nouns in ‑tiō and ‑tās. The inclusion of words attested in but not before Cicero would imply the enumeration of a lot of new, predictable Latin formations which do not add to our knowledge of pre‑Latin stages.

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

A. LANGUAGES, TEXTS AND AUTHORS

Acc.	Accius	Non.	Nonius Marcellus
Aeol.	Aeolic	Norw.	Norwegian
Afran.	Afranius	Nov.	Novius (comm.)
Alb.	Albanian	NPhryg.	New Phrygian
Andr.	Livius Andronicus	O.	Oscan
Apul.	Apuleius	OAlb.	Old Albanian
Ar.	Aristophanes	OAv.	Old Avestan
Arc.	Arcadian	OBret.	Old Breton
Arm.	Classical Armenian	OCo.	Old Cornish
Att.	Attic	OCS	Old Church Slavonic
Aug.	Augustine	OCz.	Old Czech
Av.	Avestan	OE	Old English
AV	Atharvaveda / ic	OFr.	Old Frisian
Bac.	Bactrian	OHG	Old High German
Bal.	Balochi	OIc.	Old Icelandic
Bel.	Belorussian	OIr.	Old Irish
Boeot.	Boeotian	OLat.	Old Latin
Br.	Brāhmaṇa / ic	OLFr.	Old Low Franconian
BrCl.	British Celtic	OLG	Old Low German
Bret.	Breton	OLith.	Old Lithuanian
BSl.	Balto Slavic	ONorw.	Old Norwegian
Bulg.	Bulgarian	OP	Old Persian
Caecil.	Caecilius Statius	OPhryg.	Old Phrygian
Caes.	Caesar	OPo.	Old Polish
Cat.	Catullus	OPr.	Old Prussian
Cels.	A. Cornelius Celsus	ORu.	Old Russian
Celtib.	Celtiberian	OS	Old Saxon
Cic.	Cicero	Oss.	Ossetic
CLat.	Classical Latin	OSwe.	Old Swedish
CLuw.	Cuneiform Luwian	Ov.	Ovid
Co.	Cornish	OW	Old Welsh
Col.	Columella	Pac.	Pacuvius
Cret.	Cretan	Pael.	Paelignian
CS	Church Slavic	Pal.	Palaic
Cz.	Czech	PAlb.	Proto Albanian
Dan.	Danish	PalU.	Palaeo Umbrian
Dor.	Doric	Pamph.	Pamphylian
Elog.Scip.	Elogia Scipionum	PAnat.	Proto Anatolian
EM	Etymologicum Magnum (after Greek words)	Parth.	Parthian
EMoBr.	Early Modern Breton	Paul. ex F.	Paulus Diaconus ex Festo
EMoIr.	Early Modern Irish	PBr.	Proto British
Enn.	Ennius	PCl.	Proto Celtic
ep.	epic	Petr.	Petronius
Etr.	Etruscan	PGm.	Proto Germanic
Fal.	Faliscan	Phryg.	Phrygian
Fest.	Sextus Pompeius Festus	Pi.	Pindar
Galat.	Galatian	PIE	Proto Indo European
Gaul.	Gaulish	PIr.	Proto Iranian
Gell.	Cn. Gellius	PIt.	Proto Italic
gloss.	in glosses	Pkt.	Prakrit
Gm.	Germanic	Pl.	Plautus
Go.	Gothic	Plin.	Pliny the Elder Naturalis Historia
Gr.	Greek	Plut.	Plutarchus
Gracch.	C. Sempronius Gracchus	Po.	Polish
H.	Homer	Pompon.	L. Pomponius
Hdt.	Herodotus	Presam.	Pre Samnite
Hem.	Cassius Hemina	Prisc.	Priscian
Hern.	Hernican	PRom.	Proto Romance
Hit.	Hittite	Prop.	Propertius
HLuw.	Hieroglyphic Luwian	PSab.	Proto Sabellic
Hor.	Horace	PSl.	Proto Slavic
Hp.	Hipponax	PTo.	Proto Tocharian
Hsch.	Hesychius	Quad.	Quadrigarius
IE	Indo European	Quint.	Quintilianus
IIr.	Indo Iranian	Rhet.Her.	Rhetorica ad Herennium
Ion.	Ionic	Ru.	Russian
Ir.	Irish	RuCS	Russian Church Slavic
It.	Italic	RV	Rigveda / Rigvedic
Juv.	Juvenal	Sab.	Sabellic
Khot.	Khotanese	Sall.	Sallust
Khwar.	Khwarezmian	SCAsc.	Senatus Consultum de Asclepiade (CIL I 588)
Lab.	Laberius	SCBac.	Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus
Lac.	Laconian	SCr.	Serbo Croatian
Laev.	Laevius	SeCS	Serbian Church Slavic
Larg.	Scribonius Largus	Sen.	Seneca
Lat.	Latin	Serv.	Servius Maurus Honoratus
Latv.	Latvian	Sis.	Sisenna
LCo.	Late Cornish	Skt.	Sanskrit
Lesb.	Lesbian	Sln.	Slovene
Lex Reg.	Lex Regiae	Sogd.	Sogdian
Lex XII	Lex Duodecim Tabularum	SPic.	South Picene
Lith.	Lithuanian	Suet.	Suetonius
LG	Low German	Swe.	Swedish
LLat.	Late Latin	ŚBr.	Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa
LPBr.	Late Proto British	ŚrSū.	Śrauta Sūtra
Luc.	Lucan	Ter.	Terence
Lucil.	Lucilius	Thess.	Thessalian
Lucr.	Lucretius	Titin.	Titinius
Luw.	Luwian	ToA	Tocharian A
Lyc.	Lycian	ToAB	Tocharian A and B
Lyd.	Lydian	ToB	Tocharian B
Marr.	Marrucinian	Toch.	Tocharian
Mars.	Marsian	Turp.	Sextus Turpilius
Mart.	Martial	U.	Umbrian
MBret.	Middle Breton	Ukr.	Ukranian
MCo.	Middle Cornish	Ulp.	Ulpian
MDu.	Middle Dutch	USorb.	Upper Sorbian
ME	Middle English	Vell.	C. Velleius Paterculus
MHG	Middle High German	Ven.	Venetic
MIr.	Middle Irish	Verg.	Virgil
MLG	Middle Low German	Vest.	Vestinian
MoDu.	Modern Dutch	Vitr.	Vitruvius
MoE	Modern English	VLat.	Vulgar Latin
MoIr.	Modern Irish	VMax.	Valerius Maximus
MoP	Modern Persian	VOLat.	Very Old Latin
MP	Middle Persian	Vol.	Volscian
MW	Middle Welsh	W.	Welsh
Myc.	Mycenaean	WGm.	West Germanic
Naev.	Gnaius Naevius	X.	Xenophon
Nem. Cyn.	M. Aurelius Olympius Nemesianus, Cynegetica	YAv.	Young Avestan
NHG	New High German	Žem.	Žemaitian

B. RECONSTRUCTION, GRAMMAR AND TEXT

abl.	ablative	ipf.	imperfect
acc.	accusative	ipv.	imperative
acc. to	according to	ipv.II	future imperative
act.	active	irr.	irregular
AD	anno domini	lit.	literally
adj.	adjective	loc.	locative
adv.	adverb	m.	masculine
aor.	aorist	med.	middle
ath.	athematic	n.	neuter
BC	before Christ	neg.	negative
c.	century	nom.	nominative
cf.	compare	num.	numeral
cj.	conjunction	obl.	oblique
cogn.	cognomen	opt.	optative
coll.	collective	p.	page
colloq.	colloquial	p.c.	personal communication
comp.	comparative	pf.	perfect
conj.	conjugation	pers.	personal
cp.	compound	pl.	plural
cp₁	first member of a compound	PN	personal name
cp₂	second member of a compound	postpos.	postposition
dat.	dative	ppa.	active perfect participle
denom.	denominative	ppp.	passive past particple
desid.	desiderative	pr.	present
dial.	(in) dialects	pref.	prefix
dim.	diminutive	prep.	preposition
du.	dual	pret.	preterite
dub.	dubious	prev.	preverb
e.g.	for example	pron.	pronoun
encl.	enclitic	ps.	passive
f.	feminine	ptc.	participle
fthc.	forthcoming	ptcle.	particle
fut.	future	red.	reduplicated, tion
fut.II	future perfect	rel.	relative
gen.	genitive	sb.	subjunctive
gent.	gentilicium	sg.	singular
gdve.	gerundive	sing.	singulative
H	any PIE laryngeal	sup.	superlative
h_1/2	h1 or h2	s.v.	sub voce
I, II, III, IV	1^st, 2^nd, 3^rd, 4^th conjugation	them.	thematic
id.	idem	tr.	transitive
impers.	impersonal	v.	verb
ind.	indicative	var.	variant
indecl.	indeclinable	vel sim.	or similarly
inj.	injunctive	viz.	namely, to wit
ins.	instrumental	voc.	vocative
inscr.	inscription(s)	1s.	first person singular
int.	intensive	1p.	first person plural
interr.	interrogative	1x, 2x, etc.	once, twice, etc.
intr.	Intransitive

C. SYMBOLS

>	becomes by regular phonological development
<	reflects by regular phonological development
>>	is replaced by way of analogy
<<	replaces by way of analogy
→	see also the entries
(?)	meaning uncertain or appurtenance uncertain
*X	a reconstructed item of a proto‑stage
X*	a non‑attested but certain form of an attested language
<X>	spelled with the symbol X
/X/	the phoneme X
[X]	phonetically pronounced as X
X˚	X is cp₁
˚X	X is cp₂

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Cheung 2002	Cheung, J. 2002	Studies in the historical development of the Ossetic vocalism. Wiesbaden: Reichert.
Cheung 2007	Cheung, J. 2007	Etymological dictionary of the Iranian verb Online. Leiden: Brill.
Cohen 2004	Cohen, Paul S. 2004	A new etymology for Latin aquila. In: Indo-European word formation: proceedings of the conference held at the University of Copenhagen October 20th – 22nd 2000, eds. James Clackson and Birgit Anette Olsen, Copenhagen: Museum Tusculaneum Press, 25-35.
Coleman 1992	Coleman, Robert 1992	Italic. In: Indo-European Numerals, ed. J. Gvozdanović, Berlin – New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 389-445.
Cotticelli Kuras 1993	Cotticelli Kuras, Paola 1993	Latino sonticus: una nota tra filologia e linguistica. Athenaeum 81, 622-631.
Cowgill 1970	Cowgill, Warren 1970	Italic and Celtic superlatives and the dialects of Indo-European. In: Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans, ed. G. Cardona e.a., Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 113-153.
Cowgill 1973	Cowgill, Warren 1973	The source of Latin stāre. JIES 1, 271-303.
Cowgill 1974	Cowgill, Warren 1974	More evidence for Indo-Hittite: the tense-aspect systems. In: Proceedings of the Eleventh International Congress of Linguists. Ed. L. Heilmann, Bologna, 557-570.
Cowgill 1978	Cowgill, Warren 1978	The source of Latin vīs ‘thou wilt’. Die Sprache 24, 25-44.
Cowgill 1985	Cowgill, Warren 1985	PIE *duu̯o ‘2’ in Germanic and Celtic, and the nom.-acc. dual of non-neuter o-stems. MSS 46, 13-28.
Cuesta Pastor 1996	Cuesta Pastor, José Manuel 1996	Gr. γαλέη ‘comadreja’ y la glosa γάλις ∙ γαλαός. Emerita 64, 325-331.
Cuny 1910	Cuny, Albert 1910	Les mots du fonds préhellénique en grec, latin, et sémitique occidental. Revue des Études Anciennes 12, 154-164.
Demiraj 1997	Demiraj, Bardhyl 1997	Albanische Etymologien. Amsterdam – Atlanta: Rodopi.
Derksen 1996	Derksen, Rick 1996	Metatony in Baltic. Amsterdam – Atlanta: Rodopi.
Derksen 2008	Derksen, Rick 2008	Etymological dictionary of the Slavic inherited lexicon Online. Leiden: Brill.
Derksen fthc.	Derksen, Rick fthc.	: Etymological dictionary of the Baltic inherited lexicon Online.
Devoto 1967	Devoto, Giacomo 1967	Lat. imago. In: Beiträge zur Indogermanistik und Keltologie: Julius Pokorny zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet, ed. W. Meid, Innsbruck: Universität Innsbruck, 25-28.
Diehl 1964	Diehl, Ernst 1964	Altlateinische Inschriften. Fünfte Auflage. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Driessen 2001	Driessen, Michiel 2001	On the etymology of Lat. urbs. JIES 29, 41-67.
Driessen 2003a	Driessen, Michiel 2003a	Evidence for ǵ^helh₂-, a new Indo-European root. JIES* 31, 279-305.
Driessen 2003b	Driessen, Michiel 2003b	h₂é-h₂us-o-, the Proto-Indo-European term for ‘gold’. JIES* 31, 347-362.
Driessen 2004	Driessen, Michiel 2004	Indo-European ‘felt’. JIES 32, 25-42.
Driessen 2005	Driessen, Michiel 2005	On the etymology of Lat. fulvus. In: Sprachkontakt und Sprachwandel. Akten der XI. Fachtagung der IndogermanischenGesellschaft, eds. G. Meiser and O. Hackstein. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 39-64.
Duhoux 1973	Duhoux, Yves 1973	Indo-européen el-eu-dh / l-eu-dh-, l-eu-dh-; grec ἐλεύϑερος, latin līber. Folia Linguistica 6, 146-151.
Dunkel 1979	Dunkel, George 1979	reciprocus und Verwandtes. IF 84, 184-195.
Dunkel 1980	Dunkel, George 1980	Ennian atque atque; prope. Glotta 58.
Dunkel 1987	Dunkel, George 1987	hērēs, χηρωσταί: Indogermanische Richtersprache. In: Festschrift for Henry Hoenigswald: on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, eds. G. Cardona and N. Zide, Tübingen: Gunter Narr, 91-100.
Dunkel 1997	Dunkel, George 1997	Latin iubar and fās: sound-law and analogy. In: Lubotsky 1997, 27-36.
Dunkel 1998	Dunkel, George 1998	On the ħThematisationɦ of Latin sum, volo, eo and edo and the system of endings in the IE subjunctive active. In: Jasanoff--Melchert --Oliver 1998, 83-100.
Dunkel 2000a	Dunkel, George 2000a	Latin verbs in -igāre and -īgāre. In: Festband 125 Jahre Indogermanistik in Graz. Arbeiten aus der Abteilung "Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft Graz", eds. M. Ofitsch and C. Zinko, Graz: Leykam, 87-99.
Dunkel 2000b	Dunkel, George 2000b	The common origin of conjunctive -k^u̯eand of adverbial -s. In: Anusantatyai. Festschrift für Johanna Narten zum 70. Geburtstag, eds. A. Hintze and E. Tichy, Dettelbach: Röll, 11-29.
Dunkel 2005	Dunkel, George 2005	Latin -pte, -pe, -per, -pse; IE Limiting -pó-te, -pe-r, and *póti ‘master’. In: Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Los Angeles, November 5-6, 2004, eds. K. Jones-Bley e.a., Washington DC: Institute for the Study of Man (= JIES Monograph Series 50), 173-189.
Ebbinghaus 1979	Ebbinghaus, Ernst 1979	Gotica XVI. General Linguistics 19, 188-192.
Edgeworth 1985	Edgeworth, Robert 1985	Luteus: Pink or Yellow? Glotta 63, 212-220.
Eichner 1978	Eichner, Heiner 1978	Die urindogermanische Wurzel *H₂reu ‘hell machen’. Die Sprache 24, 144-162.
Eichner 1982	Eichner, Heiner 1982	Zur hethitischen Etymologie. In: Investigationes philologicae et comparativae: Gedenkschrift für Heinz Kronasser, ed. E. Neu, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 16-28.
Eichner 1992	Eichner, Heiner 1992	Indogermanisches Phonemsystem und lateinische Lautgeschichte. In: Panagl--Krisch 1992, 55-79.
Eichner 1993a	Eichner, Heiner 1993a	Reklameiamben aus Roms Königszeit. Die Sprache 34 [1991], 207-238.
Eichner 1993b	Eichner, Heiner 1993b	1919 oder 1991? Zur Entwicklung der oskisch-umbrischen Studien nebst einer neuen Interpretation des Textes von Fonte Romito (Vetter Nr. 147). In: Oskisch-Umbrisch: Texte und Grammatik. Arbeitstagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft und der Società Italiana di Glottologia vom 25. bis 28. September 1991 in Freiburg, ed. H. Rix, Wiesbaden: Reichert, 46-95.
Eichner 1995	Eichner, Heiner 1995	Zu frühlateinischen Wortformen auf dem Forumscippus CIL I²,1. In: Studia onomastica et indogermanica. Festschrift für Fritz Lochner von Hüttenbach zum 65. Geburtstag, eds. M. Ofitsch and C. Zinko, Graz: Leykam, 65-73.
Eichner 2002	Eichner, Heiner 2002	Lateinisch hostia, hostus, hostīre und die stellvertretende Tiertötung der Hethiter. In: Fritz--Zeilfelder 2002, 101-156.
Eichner--Luschützky 1999	Eichner, Heiner and Hans Christian Luschützky (eds.) 1999	Compositiones Indogermanicae in memoriam Jochem Schindler. Praha: Enigma Corporation.
Ernout 1937	Ernout, Alfred 1937	avtvmare. Latomus 1, 75-79.
Fischer 1982	Fischer, Helmut 1982	Lateinisch gravis “schwer”. MSS 41, 33-34.
Fischer 1991	Fischer, Helmut 1991	Nachtrag zu ‘Lateinisch gravis’ (MSS 41,1982, 33f.). MSS 52, 7.
Fischer--Ritter 1991	Fischer, Helmut and Ralf-Peter Ritter 1991	Zu Bartholomaes (jungavest.) aēta- “das gebührende Teil”. MSS 52, 9-13.
Flobert 1975	Flobert, Pierre 1975	Les verbes déponents latins des origines à Charlemagne. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Forbes 1958	Forbes, Kathleen 1958	The relations of the particle ἀ/ν with κε(ν) κα καν. Glotta 37, 179-182.
Forssman 1965	Forssman, Bernhard 1965	Gr. πρύμνη, ai. nimná- und Verwandtes. ZVS 79, 11-18.
Forssman 1972	Forssman, Bernhard 1972	Review of: X. Mignot, Les verbes dénominatifs latins. Paris 1969. Gnomon 44, 666-672.
Forssman 1983	Forssman, Bernhard 1983	Etymologische Nachschlagewerke zum antiken Latein: Stand und Aufgaben. In: Das etymologische Wörterbuch. Fragen der Konzeption und Gestaltung, ed. A. Bammesberger, Regensburg: Pustet, 49-73.
Forssman 1992	Forssman, Bernhard 1992	Die etymologische Erforschung des Lateinischen. In: Panagl--Krisch 1992, 295-310.
Forssman 1993	Forssman, Bernhard 1993	Lateinisch ieiunus und ieientare. In: Meiser et al. 1993, 95-105.
Forssman 1998	Forssman, Bernhard 1998	Vedisch átithipati-, lateinisch hospes. In: Jasanoff-- Melchert--Oliver 1998, 115-126.
Forssman 1999	Forssman, Bernhard 1999	Lateinisch permitiēs und perniciēs. In: Eichner--Luschützky 1999, 69-76.
Forssman 2002	Forssman, Bernhard 2002	Etymologie im Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. Museum Helveticum 59, 172-187.
Forssman 2004	Forssman, Bernhard 2004	Lateinisch proprius, propriare. In: Hyllested et al. 2004, 131-138.
Fortson 2002	Fortson, Benjamin 2002	Linguistic and cultural notes on Latin Iūnius and related topics. In: Indo-European Perspectives, ed. M. Southern, Washington DC: Institute for the Study of Man, 61-77.
Fraenkel 1948	Fraenkel, Eduard 1948	Zur griechischen und lateinischen Grammatik und Wortforschung. Philologus 97, 161-176.
Fraenkel 1955-1965	Fraenkel, Eduard 1955-1965	Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Two vols. Heidelberg: Winter.
Fritz 1996	Fritz, Matthias 1996	Das uridg. Wort für ‘Nase’ und das grundsprachliche Lautgesetz RHV > RV. HS 109, 1-20.
Fritz--Zeilfelder 2002	Fritz, Matthias and Susanne Zeilfelder (eds.) 2002	Novalis Indogermanica. Festschrift für Günther Neumann zum 80. Geburtstag. Graz: Leykam
Fruyt 1986	Fruyt, Michèle 1986	Problèmes méthodologiques de dérivation à propos des suffixes latins en ...cus. Paris: Klincksieck.
García-Ramón 1993a	García-Ramón, José-Luis 1993a	Latin ciēre, citus, IE *kei-/ki- ‘ponerse en movimiento’ y Causat. *koi-éie-ti. In: Heidermanns--Rix--Seebold 1993, 125-139.
García-Ramón 1993b	García-Ramón, José-Luis 1993b	Lat. censēre, got. hazjan und das idg. Präsens *ḱéns-e-ti (und *ḱn̥s-éi̯e-ti?) ‘verkündigt, schätzt’, Stativ *ḱn̥s-eh₁- ‘verkündigt, geschätzt sein / werden’. In: Meiser et al. 1993, 106-130.
García-Ramón 1996	García-Ramón, José-Luis 1996	Lat. auēre, (ad)iuuāre and IE h₂euh₁. In: Akten des VIII. Internationalen Kolloquiums zur lateinischen Linguistik*, eds. A. Bammesberger and F. Heberlein, Heidelberg: Winter, 32-49.
García-Ramón 1997	García-Ramón, José-Luis 1997	Lat. prae, gr. παραί, παρά und Verwandtes: idg. *pr̥h₂- und *pr̥- ‘vorn daneben, vor’ gegenüber *pro(h₁) ‘vor(n), vorwärts’. In: Lubotsky 1997, 47-62.
García-Ramón 2006	García-Ramón, José-Luis 2006	Homme comme force, force d’homme: un motif onomastique et l’étymologie du vieil irlandais gus. In: La langue poétique indo-européenne, eds. G.-J. Pinault and D. Petit, Leuven: Peeters, 79-93.
Garnier 2004	Garnier, Romain 2004	L’apophonie radicale dans le verbe latin. Étude synchronique et diachronique. Doctoral diss. EPHÉ, Paris.
Gavoille 2001	Gavoille, Laurent 2001	Orare signifie-t-il “parler”? In : De lingva latina novae qvaestiones. Actes du X^èColloque International de Linguistique Latine, ed. C. Moussy, Louvain: Peeters, 787-800.
Georgiev 1962	Georgiev, Vladimir 1962	Lateinisch crūs and clūnis : Reste eines r/n-Stammes. Die Sprache 8, 1-3.
Gerow 1973	Gerow, Edwin 1973	‘Frost’ in the Ṛgveda. JIES 1, 224-231.
Gerschner 2002	Gerschner, Robert 2002	Die Deklination der Nomina bei Plautus. Heidelberg: Winter.
Giacomelli 1963	Giacomelli, Gabriella 1963	La lingua falisca. Firenze: Olschki.
Giacomelli 1994	Giacomelli, Roberto 1994	Lingua quotidiana e grecismo nel lessico culinario latino. ACME (Annali di lettere e filosofia dell’Università degli Studi di Milano) 47, 2, 29-49.
Goto 1985	Gotō, Toshifumi 1985	Altindisch rándhra- und uridg. *lend^h-. MSS 44, 77-91.
Guasparri 2000	Guasparri, Andrea 2000	Acipenser. Glotta 76, 50-52.
Guiraud 1975	Guiraud, Charles 1975	Les mots latins a préfixe uē-. Revue des études anciennes 77, 80-87.
Gusmani 2002	Gusmani, Roberto 2002	Althochdeutsch (hari)sliz, lateinisch (st)līs. HS 115, 111-116.
Hackstein 1993	Hackstein, Olav 1993	Eine weitere griechisch-tocharische Gleichung: Griechisch πτῆξαι und tocharisch B pyāktsi. Glotta 70, 136-165.
Hackstein 1995	Hackstein, Olav 1995	Untersuchungen zu den sigmatischen Präsensstammbildungen des Tocharischen. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.
Hackstein 1997	Hackstein, Olav 1997	Probleme der homerischen Formenlehre I. MSS 57, 19-46.
Hackstein 2002a	Hackstein, Olav 2002a	Uridg. CH.CC > C.CC. HS 115, 1-22.
Hackstein 2002b	Hackstein, Olav 2002b	Die Sprachform der homerischen Epen. Wiesbaden: Reichert.
Hamp 1960-61	Hamp, Eric 1960-61	Notulae. Études Celtiques 9, 139-140.
Hamp 1972	Hamp, Eric 1972	Latin dacrima, lacruma and Indo-European ‘tear’. Glotta 50, 291-299.
Hamp 1973	Hamp, Eric 1973	Another lesson from ‘frost’. JIES 1, 215-223.
Hamp 1974	Hamp, Eric 1974	Palat[al]ized l in Umbrian. Glotta* 52, 231-233.
Hamp 1977	Hamp, Eric 1977	Some Italic and Celtic correspondences. ZVS 77, 240-245.
Hamp 1978	Hamp, Eric 1978	Sound change and the etymological lexicon. In: Papers from the ‘Parasession on the lexicon’, Chicago Linguistic Society, 184-195.
Hamp 1980	Hamp, Eric 1980	Latin volup(e). ZVS 94, 158.
Hamp 1981a	Hamp, Eric 1981a	IE (H_e)op-. MSS* 40, 39-60.
Hamp 1981b	Hamp, Eric 1981b	Refining Indo-European lexical entries. ZVS 95, 81-83.
Hamp 1982	Hamp, Eric 1982	Dulcis. Folia Linguistica Historica 3, 133-134.
Hamp 1982-1983a	Hamp, Eric 1982-1983a	Some Italic and Celtic Correspondences. ZVS 96, 95-100.
Hamp 1982-1983b	Hamp, Eric 1982-1983b	Indo-European substantives in -mo- and -ma-. ZVS 96, 170-177.
Hamp 1983	Hamp, Eric 1983	Further on Latin Capillus and Pullus and Lautgesetze. Folia Linguistica Historica 4, 133-135.
Hamp 1984a	Hamp, Eric 1984a	On the Meaning of Latin uoltus and IE ‘face’. In: Papers from the Regional Meetings, Chicago Linguistic Society 20, 149-153.
Hamp 1984b	Hamp, Eric 1984b	Some Italic and Celtic correspondences. ZVS 97, 265-266.
Hamp 1985a	Hamp, Eric 1985a	Latin callum, callis, Indic kiṇa-. ZVS 98, 59.
Hamp 1985b	Hamp, Eric 1985b	Indo-European *b^hetti-, Latin foedus, and Balto-Slavic. IF 90, 66-69.
Hamp 1988	Hamp, Eric 1988	Miscellanea. IF 93, 121-123.
Hamp 1990	Hamp, Eric 1990	aestumō. Glotta 68, 119.
Hamp 1992	Hamp, Eric 1992	focus. Glotta 70, 82.
Hamp 1993	Hamp, Eric 1993	The text of CIL I²9 (son of Barbatus). In: Heidermanns--Rix--Seebold 1993, 157-163.
Hamp 1997	Hamp, Eric 1997	Intensive and perfective prō̆- in Latin. In: Studies in Honor of Jaan Puhvel. Part one: Ancient languages and philology, eds. D. Disterheft, M. Huld and J. Greppin, Washington DC: Institue for the Study of Man, 123-130.
Hamp 1999	Hamp, Eric 1999	fidēs and the Latin 5th declension. Glotta 74, 54-56.
Harðarson 1994	Harðarson, Jón Axel 1994	Der Verlust zweier wichtiger Flexionskategorien im Uranatolischen. HS 107, 30-41.
Haug 2004	Haug, Dag 2004	Lateinisch concinnus und concinnare. Glotta 80, 24-45.
Heidermanns 1993	Heidermanns, Frank 1993	bonus, beātus und ein altes Präverb des Lateinischen. In: Heidermanns / Rix / Seebold 1993, 165-173.
Heidermanns 2002	Heidermanns, Frank 2002	Nominal composition in Sabellic and Proto-Italic. TPS 100, 185-202.
Heidermanns--Rix--Seebold 1993	Heidermanns, Frank, Helmut Rix and Elmar Seebold 1993	Sprachen und Schriften des antiken Mittelmeerraums. Festschrift für Jürgen Untermann zum 65. Geburtstag, Innsbruck: IBS.
Heiermeier 1980	Heiermeier, A. 1980	Die indogermanische orientierte ursprachliche Konzeption kuendhro- / kuondhro- / kuondhnā*. Dublin University Press.
Hill 2003	Hill, Eugen 2003	Untersuchungen zum inneren Sandhi des Indogermanischen. Der Zusammenstoß von Dentalplosiven im Indoiranischen, Germanischen, Italischen und Keltischen. Bremen: Hempen.
Hill 2006	Hill, Eugen 2006	Lateinisch crēscō ‘wachsen’ etymologisch: urslavisch *krějǫ ‘genesen’, litauisch šeriù ‘futtern’ oder armenisch serem ‘erzeugen’? IJDLLR 3, 187-209.
Hilmarsson 1993	Hilmarsson, Jörundur 1993	The fate of TTR/RTT in Indo-European. In: Meiser et al. 1993, 209-222.
Hiltbrunner 1958	Hiltbrunner, Otto 1958	Latina Graeca. Bern: Francke.
Hirt 1916-17	Hirt, Hermann 1916-17	Etymologien. IF 37, 227-236.
Hyllested et al. 2004	Hyllested, Adam, Anders Jørgensen, Jenny Larsson and Thomas Olander (eds.) 2004	Per Aspera ad Asteriscos. Studia indogermanica in honorem Jens Elmegård Rasmussen sexagenarii Idibus Martiis anno MMIV. Innsbruck: IBS.
Isebaert 1988	Isebaert, Lambert 1988	La formation de latin domāre. In: A Linguistic Happening in Memory of Ben Schwartz: Studies in Anatolian, Italic, and Other Indo-European Languages, ed. Y. Arbeitman, Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters, 349-359.
Isebaert 1992	Isebaert, Lambert 1992	Spuren akrostatischer Präsensflexion im Lateinischen. In: Panagl--Krisch 1992, 193-205.
Isebaert 1995	Isebaert, Lambert 1995	Lat. crepāre. MSS 55, 41-43.
Isebaert--Seldeslachts 1994	Isebaert, Lambert and Herman Seldeslachts 1994	Tokharisch *twānkā- ‘einzwängen’ und Verwandtes. HS 107, 172-177.
Janda 1998	Janda, Michael 1998	Die hohle und geschlossene Hand im Urindogermanischen. Die Sprache 40, 1-25.
Janda 1999	Janda, Michael 1999	Ένοσίχϑων ‘Erderschütterer’. In: Eichner--Luschützky 1999, 183-203.
Janda 2000	Janda, Michael 2000	Eleusis. Das indogermanische Erbe der Mysterien. Innsbruck: IBS.
Jasanoff 1976	Jasanoff, Jay 1976	Gr. ἄμφω, lat. ambō et le mot indo-européen pour ‘l’un et l’autre’. BSL 71, 123-131.
Jasanoff 1988-1990	Jasanoff, Jay 1988-1990	The origin of the Celtic comparative type OIr. tressa, MW trech ‘stronger’. Die Sprache 34, 171-189.
Jasanoff 2004	Jasanoff, Jay 2004	Plus ça change...: Lachmann’s Law in Latin. In: Penney 2004, 405-416.
Jasanoff--Melchert--Oliver 1998	Jasanoff, Jay, H. Craig Melchert and Lisi Oliver (eds.) 1998	Mír Curad. Studies in honor of Calvert Watkins. Innsbruck: IBS.
Jiménez Zamudio 1989	Jiménez Zamudio, Rafael 1989	La forma pronominal latina ipse: Su origen. Emerita 57, 119-127.
Job 1999	Job, Michael 1999	Zur Etymologie von lat. invitāre. In: Studia Celtica et Indogermanica. Festschrift für Wolfgang Meid zum 70. Geburtstag, eds. P. Anreiter and E. Jerem, Budapest: Archaeolingua Alapítvány, 151-155.
Joseph 1986	Joseph, Lionel 1986	A survival from the Italo-Celtic legal vocabulary. Ériu 37, 119-125.
Joseph--Wallace 1987	Joseph, Brian and Rex Wallace 1987	Latin sum / Oscan súm, sim, esum. AJPh 108, 675-693.
Juret 1942	Juret, A. 1942	Dictionnaire étymologique grec et latin. Maçon: Protat.
Kallio 2004	Kallio, Petri 2004	Tocharian loanwords in Samoyed? In: Etymologie, Entlehnungen und Entwicklungen: Festschrift für Jorma Koivulehto zum 70. Geburtstag, eds. I. Hyvärinen, P. Kallio and J. Korhonen, Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 129-137.
Katz 1998a	Katz, Joshua 1998a	Testimonia Ritus Italici. HSCP 98, 183-217.
Katz 1998b	Katz, Joshua 1998b	How to be a dragon in Indo-European. In: Jasanoff / Melchert / Oliver 1998, 317-334.
Katz 2006	Katz, Joshua 2006	The “Urbi et Orbi-Rule” Revisited. JIES 34, 319-361.
Keller 1980	Keller, Madeleine 1980	Latin expergiscor. BSL 75, 309-324.
Keller 1982	Keller, Madeleine 1982	Latin vescor. Revue de philologie, de littérature et d’ histoire anciennes 56, 81-93.
Keller 1992	Keller, Madeleine 1992	Les verbes latins à infectum en -sc-, étude morphologique. Bruxelles: Latomus.
Klingenschmitt 1972	Klingenschmitt, Gert 1972	Die mittelpersischen Pronomina ͑ yn und h ͗ n, neupersisch īn und ān. MSS 30, 93-102.
Klingenschmitt 1978	Klingenschmitt, Gert 1978	Zum Ablaut des indogermanischen Kausativs. ZVS 92, 1-13.
Klingenschmitt 1980	Klingenschmitt, Gert 1980	Zur Etymologie des Lateinischen. In: Lautgeschichte und Etymologie: Akten der VI. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Wien, 24.-29. September 1978, eds. M. Mayrhofer, M. Peters and O. Pfeiffer, Wiesbaden: Reichert, 208-222.
Klingenschmitt 1982	Klingenschmitt, Gert 1982	Das altarmenische Verbum. Wiesbaden: Reichert.
Klingenschmitt 1987	Klingenschmitt, Gert 1987	Erbe und Neuerung beim germanischen Demonstrativpronomen. Althochdeutsch. Band I: Grammatik, Glossen und Texte, eds. R. Bergmann, H. Tiefenbach and L. Voetz, Heidelberg: Winter, 169-189.
Klingenschmitt 1989	Klingenschmitt, Gert 1989	Altlateinisch exprētus (Plaut. Bacch. 446). In: Indogermanica Europaea: Festschrift für Wolfgang Meid zum 60. Geburtstag am 12.11.1989, eds. K. Heller, O. Panagl and J. Tischler, Graz: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft, 79-100.
Klingenschmitt 1992	Klingenschmitt, Gert 1992	Die lateinische Nominalflexion. In: Panagl--Krisch 1992, 89-135.
Klingenschmitt 2004	Klingenschmitt, Gert 2004	Zur Etymologie der klassischen Sprachen. In: Artes et Scientia: Festschrift für Ralf-Peter Ritter zum 65. Geburtstag, eds. P. Anreiter, M. Haslinger and H.D. Pohl, Wien: Praesens, 239-252.
Klingenschmitt 2005	Klingenschmitt, Gert 2005	Aufsätze zur Indogermanistik. Eds. M. Janda, R. Lühr, J. Matzinger and S. Schaffner. Hamburg: Dr. Kovač.
Kloekhorst 2006a	Kloekhorst, Alwin 2006a	Hittite pai-/pi- ‘to give’. IF 111, 110-119.
Kloekhorst 2006b	Kloekhorst, Alwin 2006b	Initial laryngeals in Anatolian. HS 119, 77-108.
Kloekhorst 2008	Kloekhorst, Alwin 2008	Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon Online. Leiden: Brill.
Kluge--Seebold 1999	Kluge, Friedrich and Elmar Seebold 1999	Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache. 23., erweiterte Auflage. Berlin – New York: Walter de Gruyter.
Knobloch 1973	Knobloch, Johann 1973	Lat. helluo, -onis m. ‘ Prasser’. Die Sprache 19, 63.
Knobloch 1977	Knobloch, Johann 1977	Lat. fēnus, pignus und die Viehverstellung. Rheinisches Museum 120, 92-93.
Knobloch 1978	Knobloch, Johann 1978	Untersuchungen zur umbrischen Wortkunde. Rheinisches Museum 121, 161-163.
Kölligan 2005	Kölligan, Daniel 2005	Lat. lugēre ‘trauern’. IJDLLR 2, 169-175.
Kortlandt 1980a	Kortlandt, Frederik 1980a	More evidence for Italo-Celtic. Ériu 32, 1-22.
Kortlandt 1980b	Kortlandt, Frederik 1980b	H₂o and oH₂. Lingua Posnaniensis 23, 127-128.
Kortlandt 1983a	Kortlandt, Frederik 1983a	Greek numerals and PIE glottalic consonants. MSS 42, 97-104.
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Prosdocimi 1988	Prosdocimi, Aldo 1988	La lingua. In: I Veneti Antichi. Lingua e cultura, eds. G. Fogolari and A. Prosdocimi, 223-440.
Puhvel 1992	Puhvel, Jaan 1992	Shaft-shedding Artemis and mind-voiding Ate: Hittite determinants of Greek etyma. HS 105, 4-8.
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Puhvel 2006	Puhvel, Jaan 2006	Latin merē and Hittite marri. Glotta 81, 184-186.
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Radke 1981	Radke, Gerhard 1981	Archaisches Latein. Historische und sprachgeschichtliche Untersuchungen. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
Rasmussen 1984	Rasmussen, Jens Elmegård 1984	Miscellaneous morphological problems in Indo-European languages III. Arbejdspapirer udsendt af Institut for Lingvistik, Københavns Universitet 4, 135-149 (= Rasmussen 1999 I: 146-156).
Rasmussen 1989	Rasmussen, Jens Elmegård 1989	Studien zur Morphophonemik der indogermanischen Grundsprache. Innsbruck: IBS.
Rasmussen 1993	Rasmussen, Jens Elmegård 1993	Review of Schrijver 1991. Acta Linguistica Hafniensia 26, 175-205.
Rasmussen 1999	Rasmussen, Jens Elmegård 1999	Selected Papers on Indo-European Linguistics. 2 volumes. University of Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum.
Regnaud 1908	Regnaud, Paul 1908	Dictionnaire étymologique du latin et du grec dans ses rapports avec le latin. Lyon – Paris.
Rieken 1999	Rieken, Elisabeth 1999	Untersuchungen zur nominalen Stammbildung des Hethitischen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Rieken 2003	Rieken, Elisabeth 2003	Hieroglyphen-luwisch zí+ra/i-la-mi-i (“SCALPRUM.ARGENTUM”) su-ha-pa-na-ti: ein Kompositum und eine neue luwisch-lateinische Isoglosse. HS 116, 35-53.
Risch 1954	Risch, Ernst 1954	Der Typus parturire im Lateinischen. IF 61, 187-195.
Risch 1979	Risch, Ernst 1979	Zur altlateinischen Gebetsprache. Incontri Linguistici 5, 43-53.
Risch 1984	Risch, Ernst 1984	Gerundivum und Gerundium. Gebruach im klassischen und älteren Latein. Entstehung und Vorgeschichte. Berlin – New York: Walter de Gruyter.
Risch 1985	Risch, Ernst 1985	Gab es im Latein ein Neutrum Singular nundinum? In: Sprachwissenschaftliche Forschungen. Festschrift für Johann Knobloch, eds. H. Ölberg and G. Schmidt, Innsbruck: AMŒ, 329-338.
Risch 2004	Risch, Ernst 2004	Zur Etymologie von lat. lignum. In: Hyllested et al. 2004, 487-490.
Rix 1965	Rix, Helmut 1965	Lat. iecur, iocineris. MSS 18, 79-92.
Rix 1966	Rix, Helmut 1966	Die lateinische Synkope als historisches und phonologisches Problem. Kratylos 11, 156-165.
Rix 1976	Rix, Helmut 1976	Die umbrischen Infinitive auf -fi und die urindogermanische Infinitivendung -d^hi̯ōi̯. In: Studies in Greek, Italic and Indo-European linguistics. Offered to Leonard L. Palmer on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, eds. A. Morpurgo Davies and W. Meid, Innsbruck: IBS, 319-331.
Rix 1978	Rix, Helmut 1978	Die Altersangabe in der oskischen Inschrift Ve. 70 und osk.-umbr. akno- ‘Jahr’. MSS 37, 149-163.
Rix 1981	Rix, Helmut 1981	Rapporti onomastici fra il panteon etrusco e quello romano. In: Gli Etruschi e Roma, ed. G. Colonna, Roma: Bretschneider, 104-126 (= Kleine Schriften, 2001, 272-294).
Rix 1985a	Rix, Helmut 1985a	sūdor und sīdus. In: Sprachwissenschaftliche Forschungen. Festschrift für Johann Knobloch, eds. H. Ölberg and G. Schmidt, Innsbruck: AMŒ, 339-350.
Rix 1985b	Rix, Helmut 1985b	The last word of the Duenos inscription. MSS 46, 193-220.
Rix 1992	Rix, Helmut 1992	Zur Entstehung des lateinischen Perfektparadigmas. In: Panagl / Krisch 1992, 221-240.
Rix 1993	Rix, Helmut 1993	osk. úpsannam – uupsens und Zugehöriges. In: Heidermanns / Rix / Seebold 1993, 329-348.
Rix 1994a	Rix, Helmut 1994a	Die Termini der Unfreiheit in den Sprachen Altitaliens. Stuttgart: Steiner.
Rix 1994b	Rix, Helmut 1994b	Lateinisch und sabellisch. Stammbaum und/ oder Sprachbund? Incontri Linguistici 17, 13-29.
Rix 1995a	Rix, Helmut 1995a	Einige lateinische Präsensstammbildungen zu Seṭ-Wurzeln. In: Kuryɫowicz Memorial Volume, Part One, ed. W. Smoczyński, Cracow: Universitas, 399-408.
Rix 1995b	Rix, Helmut 1995b	Oskisch bravús, oskisch uruvú, lateinisch urvum und ‘europäisch’ bravo. HS 108, 84-92.
Rix 1996	Rix, Helmut 1996	Review of Schrijver 1991. Kratylos 41, 153-163.
Rix 1998	Rix, Helmut 1998	Bemerkungen zu den lateinischen Verbformen des Typs faxo faxim. In: Jasanoff / Melchert / Oliver 1998, 619-634.
Rix 1999	Rix, Helmut 1999	Schwach charakterisierte lateinische Präsensstämme zu Set-Wurzeln mit Vollstufe I. In: Eichner-- Luschützky 1999, 515-535.
Rix 2001	Rix, Helmut 2001	Kleine Schriften. Ed. G. Meiser. Bremen: Ute Hempen.
Rix 2002a	Rix, Helmut 2002a	Sabellische Texte. Die Texte des Oskischen, Umbrischen und Südpikenischen. Heidelberg: Winter.
Rix 2002b	Rix, Helmut 2002b	Oskisch niir kulupu. In: Fritz--Zeilfelder 2002, 417-430.
Rix 2004	Rix, Helmut 2004	Ein neuer oskisch-griechischer Göttername in Pompei. In: Hyllested et al. 2004, 491-505.
Rix 2005	Rix, Helmut 2005	Lehnbeziehungen zwischen den Sprachen Altitaliens. In: Sprachkontakt und Sprachwandel. Akten der XI. Fachtagung der Inodgermanischen Gesellschaft, eds. G. Meiser and O. Hackstein, Wiesbaden: Reichert, 559-572.
Rosén 1992	Rosén, Haiim B. 1992	Die Komposita mit co(n)- in funktioneller und vergleichender Sicht. In: Panagl / Krisch 1992, 357-367.
Rosén 1994	Rosén, Haiim B. 1994	Lat. sacēna, Heb. śakkīn and the Mediterranean substrate. JIES 22, 165-175.
Rosén 1995	Rosén, Haiim B. 1995	Lat. rete. IF 100, 210-212.
Russell 1988	Russell, Paul 1988	Preverbs, prepositions and adverbs: sigmatic and asigmatic. TPS 86, 144-172.
Saalfeld 1884	Saalfeld, Günther 1884	Tensaurus italograecus: ausführliches historisch-kritisches Wörterbuch der griechischen Lehn- und Fremdwörter im Lateinischen. Wien.
Schaffner 1996	Schaffner, Stefan 1996	Altenglisch nihol, nīowol und lateinisch procul. MSS 56, 131-171.
Schaffner 2001	Schaffner, Stefan 2001	Das Vernersche Gesetz und der innerparadigmatische grammatische Wechsel des Urgermanischen im Nominalbereich. Innsbruck: IBS.
Schaffner 2006a	Schaffner, Stefan 2006a	Lateinisch mūstella, mūstēla ‘Wiesel; Quappe’ und der Wortbildungstyp vedisch aśvatará-. IJDLLR 3, 1-50.
Schaffner 2006b	Schaffner, Stefan 2006b	Altenglisch umbor ‘Kind’. IJDLLR 3, 147-185.
Schindler 1966	Schindler, Jochem 1966	Bemerkungen zum idg. Wort für “Schlaf”. Die Sprache 12, 67-76.
Schindler 1969	Schindler, Jochem 1969	Die idg. Wörter für “Vogel” und “Ei”. Die Sprache 15, 144-167.
Schindler 1973	Schindler, Jochem 1973	Bemerkungen zur Herkunft der idg. Diphthongstämme und zu den Eigentümlichkeiten ihrer Kasusformen. Die Sprache 19, 148-157.
Schindler 1977	Schindler, Jochem 1977	Notizen zum Sieversschen Gesetz. Die Sprache 23, 56-65.
Schrijver 1990	Schrijver, Peter 1990	Latin festīnāre, Welsh brys. MSS 51, 243-247.
Schrijver 1991	Schrijver, Peter 1991	The reflexes of the PIE laryngeals in Latin. Amsterdam – Atlanta: Rodopi.
Schrijver 1995	Schrijver, Peter 1995	Studies in British Celtic historical phonology. Amsterdam – Atlanta: Rodopi.
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Serbat 1975	Serbat, Guy 1975	Les dérivés nominaux latins à suffixe médiatif. Paris: Sorbonne.
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Skutsch 1892	Skutsch, Franz 1892	Iaientare, iaiunus. Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik 7, 527-528.
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Solta 1967	Solta, Georg 1967	Lat. limpidus und seine Verwandten. In: Beiträge zur Indogermanistik und Keltologie: Julius Pokorny zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet, ed. W. Meid, Innsbruck: Universität Innsbruck, 93-97.
Sommer 1914	Sommer, Ferdinand 1914	Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre. 2. und 3. Auflage. Heidelberg: Winter.
Sommer--Pfister 1977	Sommer, Ferdinand and Raimund Pfister 1977	Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre. Vierte, neubearb. Auflage, Band I: Einleitung und Lautlehre. Heidelberg: Winter.
Southern 2000	Southern, Mark 2000	Tabula rāsa. The “tablet” word in Italic, and its Indo-European relatives. MSS 60, 89-133.
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Steinbauer 1989	Steinbauer, Dieter 1989	Untersuchungen zu den bei Plautus belegten Verben der lateinischen ersten Konjugation. Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Denominative. Dissertation Regensburg. Altendorf b. Bamberg: Druckerei Gräbner.
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Thieme 1963	Thieme, Paul 1963	‘Jungfrauengatte’: Sanskrit kaumarah patih – Homer. κουρίδιος πόσις – Lat. marītus. ZVS 88, 161-248.
Thurneysen 1907	Thurneysen, Rudolf 1907	Etymologisches und Grammatisches. IF 21, 175-180.
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Tichy 1983	Tichy, Eva 1983	Onomatopoetische Verbalbildungen des Griechischen. Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Tichy 2002	Tichy, Eva 2002	Gr. οἴσειv, Lat. ūtī. Glotta 78, 179-202.
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Torzi 1991	Torzi, Ilaria 1991	Volup e volupe nella tradizione manoscritta di autori latini arcaici e tardoantichi. Maia: Rivista di Letterature Classiche 43, 89-102.
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Weiss 1996a	Weiss, Michael 1996a	Greek μυρίος ‘countless’, Hittite mūri- ‘bunch (of fruit)’. HS 109, 199-214.
Weiss 1996b	Weiss, Michael 1996b	An Oscanism in Catullus 53. Classical Philology 91, 353-359.
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Wyatt 1984	Wyatt, W.S. 1984	Two fragments of the Elder Cato. Glotta 62, 248-250.
Zimmer 1985	Zimmer, Stefan 1985	Zur Etymologie und zu den altesten Belegen von lat. totus. Glotta 63, 221-225.